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of the Southern Confederacy. Under such circum- *
stances it is natural that they should seek for peace. j
Nothing, however, could be worse than an incon- ·
,, clusive peace in Europe to-day. Millions of men have ,
been sacriiiced, untold women and children have §
. suffered and died, nations have been paralyzed in
their industries, a great number of towns and villages H
·· have been destroyed. Must all this hideous woe go
for naught? Is it possible that this calamity may
again afflict the civilized world within a few years, or
even within a generation °? Yet if the result be incon-
clusive, if Germany be allowed to make peace while i;
still on the territory of her victims, what reason have
we for supposing that the war may not commence i
again within a short time? If indeed (iermany’s
military power remain and if her dominant mentality
be unchanged, there is every prospect that the con-
flagration will break out again. Her embitions will
be postponed, not abandoned.
I do not think the people of the allied countries I
will for a moment listen to any overtures for peace
which will not eomport some definite assurance of gi
future tranquility. As a prominent Frencliman said ë
to me : " VVe owe that, sir, to our sons, so that they Q
may not have died in vain."
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France was profoundly pacific and whatever feeling ’
she may have cherished in her heart for her two lost
Provinces, she strove with might and main as the
_, foremost advocate of peace in Europe. She has lost, g
‘ perhaps, a million of her best sons; a million more
* have been wounded. Peace, for her, must now mean l
peace with dignity and assurance for the future.
_ Alsace and Lorraine must be restored and the France
that was must live again. Not only the mutilations
, of to-day but those of 1870-71 must be repaired and
' France must emerge from the war a complete and
a whole France-physieally complete as well as
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